Editorial ColumnA grand social idealist
By Dr. S. Radhakrishnan The Advaitism of Sankara is a system of great speculative daring and logical subtlety. It's austere intellectualism, its remorseless logic, which marches on in different to the hopes and beliefs of man, its relative freedom from theological obsessions, make it a great example of a purely philosophical scheme. Thibaut, who cannot be charged with any partiality for Sankara, speaks of his philosophy in these words "The doctrine advocated by Sankara is, from a purely philosophical point of view, and apart from all theological considerations, the most important and interesting one which has arisen on Indian soil; neither those forms of the Vedanta which diverge from the view represented by Sankara, nor any of the non-Vedantic systems can be compared with the so called orthodox Vedanta in boldness, depth and subtlety of speculations." It is impossible to read Sankara's writings packed as they are with serious and subtle thinking, without being conscious that one is in contact with a mind of a very fine penetration and profound spirituality. With his acute feeling of the immeasurable world, his stirring gaze into the abysmal mysteries of spirit, his unswerving resolve to say neither more nor less than what could be proved, Sankara stands out as a heroic figure of the first rank in the somewhat motley crowd of the religious thinkers of medieval India. His philosophy stands forth complete, needing neither a before nor an after. It has a self-justifying wholeness characteristic of works of art. It expounds its own presuppositions, is related by its own end, and holds all its elements in a stable, reasoned equipoise.
The list of qualifications which Sankara lays down for a student of Philosophy brings out how, for him, philosophy is not an intellectual pursuit but a dedicated life. The first, "discrimination between things eternal and non-eternal" demands of the student the power of thought, which helps him to distinguish between the unchanging reality and the changing world. For those who possess this power, it is impossible to desist from the enterprise of metaphysics. "Renunciation of the enjoyment of the reward here and in the other world" is the second requirement. In the empirical world and man's temporal life within it there is little to satisfy the aspirations of spirit. Philosophy gets its chance, as well as its justification, through the disillusionment which life brings. The seeker after truth must refuse to abase himself before things as they are and develop an austere detachment characteristic of the superior mind. Moral preparation is insisted on as the third requisite, and, lastly, longing for liberation (mumukshutvam) is mentioned. We must have a mind disposed, as St. Luke expresses it, "for eternal life."
Sankara present to us the true ideal of philosophy, which is not so much knowledge as wisdom, not so much logical learning as spiritual freedom. For Sankara, as for some of the greatest thinkers of the world like Plato and Plotinus, Spinoza and Hegel, Philosophy is the austere vision of eternal truth, majestic in its freedom from the petty cares of man's paltry life. Through the massive and at the same time subtle dialectic of Sankara there shows forth a vivid, emotional temperament, without which philosophy tends to become a mere game of logic. A master of the strictest logic, he is also master of a noble and animated poetry which belongs to another order. The rays of his genius have illumined the dark places of thought and soothed the sorrows of the most forlorn heart. While his philosophy fortifies and consoles many, there are, of course, those to whom it seems to be an abyss of contradiction and darkness. But whether we agree or differ, the penetrating light of his mind never leaves us where we were.
Sankara appeared, at one and the same time, as an eager champion of the orthodox faith and a spiritual reformer. He tried to bring back the age from the brilliant luxury of the Puranas to the mystic truth of the Upanishads. The power of the faith to lead the soul to the higher life became for him the test of its strength. He felt impelled to attempt the spiritual direction of his age by formulating a philosophy and religion which could satisfy the ethical and spiritual needs of the people better than the systems of Buddhism, Mimamsa and Bhakti. The theists were veiling the truth in a mist of sentiment. With their genius for mystical experience, they were indifferent to the practical concerns of life. The Mimamsaka emphasis on karma developed ritualism devoid of spirit. Virtue can face the dark perils of life and survive only if it be the fine flower of thought. The Advaita philosophy alone, in the opinion of Sankara, could do justice to the truth of the conflicting creeds, and so he wrote all his works with the one purpose of helping the individual to a realisation of the identity of his soul with Brahman, which is the means of liberation from samsara.
In his wanderings from his birthplace in Malabar to the Himalayas in the north he came across many phases of worship and accepted all those which had in them the power to elevate man and refine his life. He did not preach a single exclusive method of salvation, but composed hymns of unmistakable grandeur addressed to the different gods of popular Hinduism-Vishnu, Siva Sakti, Surya. All this affords a striking testimony to the universality of his sympathies and the wealth of natural endowment. While revivifying the popular religion, he also purified it. He put down the grosser manifestations of the Sakta worship in South India. In the Deccan, it is said that he suppressed the unclean worship of Siva as a dog under the name of Mallari, and the per-nicious practices of Kapalikas whose god Bhairava desired human victims. He condemned branding or marking the body with the metallic designs. He learned from the Buddhist Church that discipline, freedom from superstition and ecclesiastical organisations help to preserve the faith clean and strong, and himself established ten religious orders of which four retain their prestige till to-day.
The life of Sankara makes a strong impression of contraries. He is a philosopher and a poet, a savant and a saint, a mystic and a religious reformer. Such diverse gifts did he possess that different images present themselves, if we try to recall his personality. One sees him in youth, on fire with intellectual ambition, a stiff and intrepid debater. Another regards him as a shrewd political genius, attempting to impress on the people a sense of unity. For a third, he is a calm philosopher engaged in the single effort to expose the contradictions of life and though with an unmatched incisiveness. For a fourth, he is the mystic who declares that we are all greater than we know. There have been few minds more universal than his.
Sankara's system is unmatched for its metaphysical depth and logical power. Thought follows through naturally, until Advaitism is seen to complete and crown the edifice. It is a great example of monistic idealism which it is difficult to meet with a absolutely conclusive metaphysical refutation. Sankara holds up a vision of life acceptable in the highest moments of poetry and religion, when we are inclined to sympathise with his preference for intuition to the light of the understanding. So long as he remains on this high ground, he is unanswerable. But a lingering doubt oppresses the large majority of mankind, who very rarely get into these exalted heights. They feel that it is unjust to leave in such high disdain the world in which they live, move and have their being, and relegate it to ajnana or darkness, offering merely a solace that all disagreeable appearances will quickly vanish in the eternal light. For them the all - transforming sunlight of the heights is spurious, and they declare that Sankara's system is one of mystical indifference to fact. That human suffering will be healed, that the whole world will vanish like a pitiful mirage, that all our trouble is of our own making, and that in the world's finale all people will find that absolute oneness which will suffice for all hearts, compose all resentments and atone for all crimes, seem to many to be pious assumptions. The entranced self-absorption which arms itself with sanctity, involves a cruel indifference to practical life hardly acceptable to average intelligence.
Sankara knows all this, and so gives us a logical theism which does not slight the intellect, does not scorn the wisdom of ages and is at the same time the highest intellectual account of the truth. What is the relation between the absolutism of intuition and the empirical theism of logic, Sankara does not tell us; for as Goethe wisely observed, "man is born not to solve the problem of the universe, but to find out where the problem begins, and then to restrain himself within the limits of the comprehensible". Sankara recognises that there is a region which we cannot penetrate, and a wise agnosticism is the only rational attitude. The greatness of Sankara's achievements rests on the peculiar intensity and splendour of thought with which the search for reality is conducted on the high idealism of spirit grappling with the difficult problems of life, regardless of theological consequences, and on the vision of a consummation which places divine glory on human life.
Supreme as a philosopher and a dialectician, great as a man of calm judgment and wide toleration, Sankara taught us to love truth, respect reason and realise the purpose of life. Twelve centuries have passed, and yet his influence is visible. He destroyed many an old dogma, not by violently attacking it, but by quietly suggesting something more spiritual too. He put into general circulation a vast body of important knowledge and formative ideas which, though contained in the Upanishads, were forgotten by the people, and thus recreated for us the distant past. He was not a dreaming idealist, but a practical visionary, a philosopher, and at the same time a man of action, what we may call a social idealist on the grand scale. Even those who do not agree with his general attitude to life will not be reluctant to allow him a place among the immortals. Article on Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
By A. Ranganathan “It is an honour to philosophy” observed Lord Russell in 1962, “that Dr. Radhakrishnan should be President of India.” Lord Russell regarded it as a fulfilment of the Platonic dream that philosophers must be kings. However, unlike Plato who did not admit poets in his Republic, Dr. Radhakrishnan began his distinguished career as an interpreter of the poetry of Rabindranath Tagore. In his interpretative work, ‘The Philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore’, Dr. Radhakrishnan not only viewed this famous poet as a historic link in the long chain of India’s cultural evolution, but also as the prophet of modern India’s cultural renaissance. Indeed Dr. Radhakrishnan’s Republic (in the geographical and cultural sense of the term) is different from Plato’s Republic.
Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was born on September 5, 1888 at Tiruttani, in South India. After a distinguished career at the Madras Christian College, Radhakrishnan joined the Madras Presidency College as a lecturer in philosophy. Finally, at the close of a long and distinguished career of teaching at several Indian universities, Dr. Radhakrishnan was appointed Spalding Professor of Eastern Religions and Ethics at Oxford. As Spalding Professor and a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, Dr. Radhakrishnan was the most outstanding representative of India’s intellectuals in Britain.
Although Dr. Radhakrishnan is justly renowned as a philosopher, he is essentially a creative artist. It is perhaps significant that the Goethe Plaquette was awarded to him, since he symbolised Goethe’s ideal of the creative artist who becomes a different being in the successive stages of his career. For he has achieved distinction in four different fields of intellectual and political endeavour–Indian philosophy in its wider perspectives, diplomacy, social thought and comparative religion.
Dr. Radhakrishnan has recorded in his charming autobiographical essay entitled “Fragments of a Confession” that historical writing, which is different from historical research, is a creative activity. He has argued that just as our political problem is to bring East and West together in a common brotherhood which transcends differences, so in the world of philosophy, we have to bring about a cross-fertilization of ideas in the history of modern thought. And addressing the International Congress of Orientalists in New Delhi on January 4, 1964, Dr. Radhakrishnan referred to Alexander’s role in reconciling different sections of mankind during the ancient age. Let me quote his words: “ Alexander abandoned the view that the non-Greek world was barbarian and that its people were fit only to be slaves. All men possessing wisdom and virtue are of one family. Plutarch says that Alexander brought together into one body all men everywhere, uniting and mixing in one great loving cup, as it were, men’s lives, their characters, their marriages, their very habits of life. He looked upon the whole inhabited world as his fatherland. All good men are of one family; the only foreigners are the wicked. Alexander felt that it was his sacred mission to reconcile mankind. In Egypt, in Iran, in North-West India, he felt the impact of the great civilizations of the East and looked upon them as worthy partners of the Hellenic civilization. Shortly before his death, Alexander held a banquet to celebrate the end of a great war, and he invited to it 9000 people–Hellenes and non-Hellenes. At the end of it he prayed for peace, for the partnership of all peoples of the world to live in unity and concord: Homa-noia, of one mind; the world should be based on a communion of minds and hearts.
In the concluding chapter of the second volume of ‘Indian Philosophy’, Dr. Radhakrishnan has correctly stressed that the republic of Indian thought “never developed a Monroe Doctrine in matters of culture.” He has not only revealed this liberal frame of mind in his exploration of the spiritual depths and metaphysical flights of Hindu philosophy, but has also added a new dimension of sympathetic insight in his interpretation of Buddhist philosophy. As an interpreter of the Hindu religious classics, Dr. Radhakrishnan has followed the hallowed tradition of the great exponents like Sankara, Ramanuja and Madhva. For he has written commentaries on the Gita, the Upanishads and the Brahma-sutras. He had already written on the ethical idealism of the Buddha and given a celebrated lecture, ‘Gautama the Buddha’ (which was hailed as “a masterpiece on a master-mind by a master-mind”) and won for him the coveted Fellowship of the British Academy. And he has also commented on the classic texts of Buddhism like the Dhammapada. It is this catholicity of outlook which has led him to investigate the bearings of Indian philosophy on politics and literature, and the deeper implications of religion and ethics, in his perceptive essays on poets like Kalidasa and Tagore, religious and political figures like Buddha and Gandhi, singers and saints like Tyagaraja and Ramana Maharshi.
Seldom in history has there been a philosopher so representative of his age, one who so completely articulates the aspirations of his contemporaries in trying to usher in a new era of understanding between nations. Dr. Radhakrishnan has presided over sessions of the UNESCO, and has served for a period of nine years on the International Committee of Intellectual Co-operation set up by the League of Nations, which included among its members such great scientists and scholars as the late Madame Curie, Albert Einstein and Gilbert Murray.
The similarity between Gilbert Murray and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan is truly striking. Like Murray, who perceived the values of Greek poetry as constituting a source of creative insights in his understanding of international relations, Dr. Radhakrishnan has drawn upon the ancient fountain-head of Indian philosophy in his assessments of the contemporary international scene. In all his writings on social and political themes, Dr. Radhakrishnan has emphasized the dignity of the individual as an end in himself, in order to visualize a new social order based on religion and ethics which is essentially a state of mind derived from an idealist view of life and an understanding of the varieties and depths of religious experience reflecting the permanent values of civilization.
Dr. Radhakrishnan’s philosophy of tolerance has the following features: The ideal of an integrated personality that recognizes no cold war between the sciences and the humanities and views the empirical knowledge of the West as the complement of the intuitive wisdom of the East, a humanistic appreciation of the classics by a mind which is free from the shackles of dogma, the preservation of an atmosphere of intellectual freedom so that life is lived for the sheer joy of intellectual and artistic creation. This approach is reflected in some of his more important speeches during the last twenty years. In fact, this writer has often reflected on the need to publish these speeches. For these speeches reflect some of the great moments in contemporary Indian history–moments of ecstatic joy and moments of deep anguish. He delivered a memorable speech on the midnight of August 14, 1947, which immortalized the moment of our freedom. And the new nation was born just at the moment when he ended his speech. It would be relevant in this context to quote a few extracts from his speech: “History and legend will grow round this day. It marks a milestone in the march of our democracy. A significant date it is in the drama of the Indian people who are trying to rebuild and transform themselves...When we see what the Dutch are doing in Indonesia, when we see how the French are clinging to their possessions, we cannot but admire the political sagacity and courage of the British people. We on our side, have also added a chapter to the history of the world. Look at the way in which subject peoples in history won their freedom. Let us also consider the methods by which power was acquired. How did men like Washington, Napolean, Cromwell, Lenin, Hitler and Mussolini get into power? Look at the methods of blood and steel, of terrorism and assassination, of bloodshed and anarchy by which these so-called great men of the world came into the possession of power. Here in this land under the leadership of one who will go down in history as perhaps the greatest man of our age we have opposed patience to fury, quietness of spirit to bureaucratic tyranny and are acquiring power through peaceful and civilized methods...The greatest among the Englishmen, wished to modernize the country, to raise its intellectual and moral standards, its political status. They wished to regenerate the whole people. But the small among them worked with sinister motives... The freedom we are attaining is the fulfilment of this dual tendency among British administrators.”
Shakespeare can freeze your blood by dropping a kerchief. And it is said that Schiller cannot produce this sensation o terror even while describing a burning city. On a different plane, this writer felt that General Kaul is not able to sustain his argument or even make an intelligent point in his The Untold Story. Obviously General Kaul has not mastered the subtle art of indictment! Radhakrishnan criticized Nehru and Menon for their ‘credulity and negligence.’ Indeed this celebrated indictment which was broadcast in the wake of the NEFA disaster conveyed a sense of national shock which the General is unable to reflect in his clumsily written book.
While reflecting on Dr. Radhakrishnan’s speeches, one must refer to his great speech which was delivered on January 26, 1967. It was a truly great speech, which reflected the disillusionment and frustration of the Indian people. And this speech also cost him a second term as the President of India. For Mrs. Indira Gandhi was obviously piqued by his warning that “unless we destroy corruption in high places, root out every trace of nepotism, love of power, profiteering and black-marketing which have spoilt the good name of this country in recent years, we will not be able to raise the standards of efficiency and administration.” This speech was a commentary on Congress misrule in India–a commentary by one of India’s greatest philosophical commentators!
Dr. Radhakrishnan believes that there is great scope for a deeper dialogue between India and the West based on a fellowship of faiths and an understanding of cultures. He has argued that the Western influence on Hinduism has transformed it into “an ethical religion with a social gospel.” Similarly the development of the discipline of comparative religion, facilitated by the anthropological vistas unveiled by Sir James Frazer, was also due to the publication of the Sanskrit classics in Europe. The impact of Indian philosophical thought on Western intellectuals like Schopenhauer, Goethe, Emerson, Whitman, Thoreau, Yeats and several others, and Western influences on Indian leaders such as Gandhi and Tagore, are some aspects of this cross-fertilization of cultures leading on to a more fundamental understanding between India and the West.
Viewed in this perspective, Dr. Radhakrishnan’s works, The Hindu View of Life, An Idealist View of life, East and West in Religion, Eastern Religions and Western Thought, East and West and Religion in a Changing World can be regarded as significant contributions to study of comparative religion and the East-West cultural dialogue. Dr. Radhakrishnan’s greatness lies in the fact that he has always emphasized the need to realize “the truth of the world’s yet unborn soul by a free interchange of ideas and the development of a philosophy, which will combine the best of European humanism and Asiatic religion, a philosophy profounder and more living than either, endowed with greater spiritual and ethical force.” Indian Institute of Advanced Study
The Indian Institute of Advanced Study was set up by the Ministry of Education, Government of India as a Society under the Societies Registration act XXI of 1860, with effect from 6th October 1964. The Institute started functioning at Shimla on 20th October,1965 when it was formally inaugurated by the then President of India, Professor S.Radhakrishnan.
Aims and objectives The Institute aims at free and creative enquiry into the fundamental themes and problems of life and thought. It is a residential centre for research and encourages promotion of creative thought in areas which have deep human significance, and provides.an environment suitable for academic research, particularly in selected subjects in the Humanities, Indian Culture, Comparative Religion, Social and Natural Sciences and such other areas as the Institute may, from time to time, decide. The Institute provides facilities for advanced consultations and collaboration besides library and documentation facilities. Areas of Study The following areas have been selected for studies by the Institute: (a) Social, political and economic philosophy; (b) Comparative Indian (including ancient, medieval, modern folk and tribal); (c) Comparative studies in philosophy and religion; (d) Development of world-views; (e) Education, culture, arts including performing arts and craft; (f) Fundamental concepts and problems of logic and mathematics. (g) Fundamental concepts and problems of natural and life sciences; (h) Studies in environment, natural and social; (i) Indian civilization in the context of Asian neighbours; and (j) Problems of contemporary India in the context of national integration and nation-building. Radhakrishnan Memorial Lecture Most important academic event of the Institute is annual Radhakrishnan Memorial Lecture. The lecture is held during the birth week of Philosopher-President Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan who had gifted the Rashtrapati Nivas to the Ministry of Education to house Indian Institute of Advanced Study.So far this lecture has been delivered by Professor K.N. Raj, Professor J.S. Bajaj, Professor Simon Blackburn, Professor Richard Sorabji, Professor Andre Beteille, Professor M.G.K.Menon and Professor D.P. Chattopadhyaya. Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan - by Aatish Palekar
Dr. Radha Krishnan, a great scholar and philosopher of international repute, was one of the most illustrious sons of mother India. It is the fitness of things that this great son of the land was unanimously elected as the second president of free India on the retirement of Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
“Coming events cast their shadow before” is a common saying. The early life of this great personality fully illustrates this proverb. He was born on September, 1888, in Andhra Pradesh. He got his education at Vellore, Madras, etc. after completing his university education in 1909 he joined the Provincial Education Service. He started his career as lecturer and within a short period of seven years he got the professorship. As a teacher he was very popular among his students. One very interesting illustration may be cited here. After proving his worth at Madras university he was about to leave it to join University Calcutta. Those were the days of horse-driven carriages. Professor Radha Krishnan was about to start for the station when to his surprise, he found that the students who had gathered there were removing the horses from the carriage and took him to the station in that way. This shows how successful as a teacher he was.
Dr. Radha Krishnan was an outstanding educationist and profound scholar of philosophy. He went to foreign countries to deliver lectures, under “extension lecture series” programmed, at the leading universities, like Oxford and Chicago. He decorated the high offices of Vice-Chancellorship of Andhra and Banaras Universities. He represented his country at the UNESCO. His lectures and studies on world religions are memorable. Even when he was holding the highest office of the president of India, he was regarded as an educationist first and anything else afterwards. Before independence, Dr. Radha Krishnan’s chief concern was academic pursuit. Major part of his life was spent in the service of the universities in one form or the other. But when India becomes free, he was assignments of political nature. He was appointed as the ambassador of India to Russia in 1949. He was the first diplomat in communist Russia who was called twice by marshal Station for interview. Thus, be proved that he could be even more successful as an ambassador. This job is most often regarded as the sacred jurisdiction of professional politicians and diplomats.
Dr. Radha Krishnan was a master exponent of Indian philosophy. He was an equally great scholar of Western philosophy. He was regarded as the leading philosopher of the world. He was an idealist. But his idealism was not divorced from real life. He was not only a thinker and writer but also an orator of outstanding repute. His life was a real embodiment of the Indian principle of simple living and high thinking. His saintly life, sharp intellect, and intense love for his countrymen won for him love, affection and admiration of everyone in India.
In a country of the dimensions of India, his unanimous election to the coveted office of the president was something unique. Throughout the country, there were demands which are detrimental to national unity. Emotional integration and national integration were the paramount need of the hour. The demand for the secession of Southern India from the rest of the country was a big challenge to the whole nation. Then the opposition, which was persistently being offered by the South to the national language, Hindi, was to be set at the rest for ever.
Dr. Radha Krishnan came from the south, a non-Hindi speaking region. It will not be an exaggeration to say that he was the only person at the time who could act as a cementing force between the north and the south, and Hindi and non-Hindi speaking people. The country’s eyes were fixed upon him for the solution of such vital problem-the problem of the life and death for the nation.
From this point of view it is to be regretted that he did not agree to continue as the president of the country for the second term of five years. But it should also be remembered that he resigned from the high office in the interest of the country. In this way, he established the healthy tradition that none should hold this office for more than one term. One must make way for others, who deserve this honor. Moreover, reasons of health also compelled him to retire. He had been ailing for some time and had to undergo an eye-operation. His death left void in Indian national life which can never be filled.
We often talk of increasing corruption, nepotism and favoritism in the post independent India. In fact, truth, honesty, merit and hard work have no meaning in the present times. Dr. Radha Krishnan as the president of India served as a ray of hope in the darkness all around. Indeed the dream of the great philosopher Plato, of a philosopher-king, came true with his election as the President of India.
Seven Point Oath for Students - By APJ Abdul Kalam
Ten Point Oath for Teachers - By Dr.APJ Abdul Kalam
Interview with Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
Record of the Conversation of J.V. Stalin and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, April 5th, 1952. TOP SECRET
The Ambassador began by saying that he wished to express his grateful thanks to the Generalissimo for receiving him at such short notice on the eve of his (Ambassador's) departure. Stalin: When are you leaving? Amb. On Tuesday, the 8th. The Ambassador went on to say that his stay of 2½ years in Moscow was most useful and he had every courtesy and assistance from the Foreign Minister and his Deputies. He recalled the prompt and ready assistance which the Foreign Office and the Soviet Government had rendered last year in the matter of the despatch of wheat to India. When the Ambassador stressed that he was really grateful for the promptitude and readiness with which the Soviet Union had come to our aid in this, Stalin said: "There is nothing to be grateful about. We have only fulfilled our duty." The Ambassador remarked that many States did not have a proper conception of their duty, nor did they discharge it, when they had. The Ambassador than referred to the various Soviet delegations that had recently visited India, and said that he felt that the Indian people got some idea of the Soviet achievements – what could be done by a people with determination and will. Referring to internal matters, Dr. Radhakrishnan said that the country (India) was indeed passing through critical times. We had got rid of various forms of exploitation. We had rid ourselves of foreign domination and we had got rid of the princely rule. We hoped to tackle the problem of our landlords equally successfully. "It would be good", said Stalin, "if you succeed in doing it." The Ambassador then generally referred to our recent elections and said that for the first time in history 175 million people were enfranchised of whom 105 million had voted. "The women did not vote in your country", said Stalin, expressing a doubt. The Ambassador corrected the Generalissimo by stressing that not only did women actually vote in the elections, but the women voters had, if anything, shown a more progressive spirit. Dr. Radhakrishnan pointed out that we had a lady Governor, a lady Cabinet Minister, and his own predecessor in Moscow, the Generalissimo would doubtless recall, had also been a lady. The elections, Dr. Radhakrishnan said, had been free and fair. There was no official interference of any sort and many Ministers were defeated. On the political and economic situation in India, Ambassador Radhakrishnan said that India was as much against capitalist exploitation as Russia and it had the same economic objective. "But we wish to adopt peaceful parliamentary methods to achieve our aims, because our whole history has taught us that enduring progress should be of a peaceful character." To this the Generalissimo said: "But the exploiters will never quit-they will very seriously object to quit." The Ambassador said that, in any case, we would try our own methods very hard, and if we succeeded it would be a great lesson to other nations. Referring to our foreign policy, Dr. Radhakrishnan said that it was not unlike that of the Soviet Union in several matters – China, Japan, Korea or, for that matter, the admission of other nations to the UN. "We are not with America and we are not with any power", he stressed, "We act according to our sense of right and do not yield to any political or economic pressure." Since Stalin showed no hesitation to carry on the conversation. Dr. Radhakrishnan further said that Stalin was at one time reported to have said that if Capitalism could adapt its production not to getting maximum profits, but to the systematic improvement of the masses of the people, then there would not be any crisis, but then that would not be Capitalism. He asked Stalin if he was still of this view. Stalin said that he said once something like thus but it was difficult for a Capitalist to do without profits and it was a pity that the capitalists could not do without profits. If the Capitalists gave up profits, he said, they would be giving up themselves. Referring to the desirability of the peaceful co-existence of the two systems, Dr. Radhakrishnan asked Stalin if the Soviet Union would be prepared to "give up the Cominform", as it had at one stage given up the Comintern. Stalin replied that this was of no importance whatsoever to the question of the co-existence of the two systems; the Cominform, he said, had not been created by the Soviet Union alone. Other countries had also shared in the creation of this body. The Ambassador said nonetheless that in his view it would be a great gesture today if the Cominform were abolished. Speaking about Germany, the Ambassador said that if the Soviet Union looked upon a UN Commission as necessarily pro-American, could they not agree to some sort of a neutral commission to see if conditions for free and fair elections existed in that country. The Generalissimo said that the representatives of the four powers could appoint any commission they liked. The UNO had nothing to do with Germany and only the four occupying powers according to the POTSDAM declaration could do these things. The UN had no right under its Charter to interfere. The Ambassador asked whether Stalin would favour a neutral commission investigating the allegations of the use of bacteriological weapons in Korea. Stalin said that he had not given thought to this. As far as they were concerned, he said, "to us it has been proved that they (Americans) have attempted to try this out in Korea", and said that a body of international lawyers had seen the evidence of this. The Ambassador then asked if the Generalissimo would like to put him any questions. Generalissimo Stalin said that he had only one question, and that was about "our Correspondent" in India. He turned to Vyshinsky and asked what "this complaint" was. Vyshinsky explained that we had felt that Borzenko's articles were unfair and unnecessarily critical of the Government of India, etc., and added that Prime Minister Nehru had also complained to Novikov about this. (Perhaps, this is not correct. We have been informed that the Foreign Secretary had seen the Soviet Ambassador). "That is all right, recall him," Stalin said to Vyshinsky. "We will recall him", the Generalissimo said to the Ambassador, "If you don't like him, you tell us frankly. We assure you that he will be recalled". (Reading this, it may look like the dictatorial-touch; but this was said quite coolly and quite calmly and with no gestures, whatsoever.) Ambassador said that his own anxiety was that the good relations and friendship that we had built up here in Moscow should not be spoilt by Soviet representatives in India saying things which offend our national dignity. "Are there such people?", Stalin asked. "Yes", the Ambassador said, "that is what we feel about Borzenko and the Moscow Radio." The Generalissimo again turned to Vyshinsky and quietly said, "Call him back". The Ambassador then referred to his imminent return and his anxiety for preserving Indo-Soviet friendship. The Generalissimo said that he was glad of the latter. "Both you and Mr. Nehru are persons whom we do not consider to be our enemies. This will continue to be our policy and you can count on our help". Then he went on "Our people have been educated in the equal treatment of Asian people" - and he said this with some feeling. "The United States and Britain look on Asian peoples as backward and look down upon them. We treat all Asians as equals. It is this which helps us to conduct a correct policy. The Americans and the British treat them supercilously [sic]. Our policy helps us to have very different relations with the Asian peoples". The Generalissimo spoke these sentences slowly, deliberately and with obvious feelings. The Ambassador agreed generally with the sentiments expressed by the Generalissimo and said that Malaya, Indo-China, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Iran and South Africa are illustrations of a very different policy towards, what may be called, backward peoples. "Is this democracy?" he asked. The Generalissimo smiled and said: "This is what they call democracy?" The interview here ended with the usual greetings and with good wishes for the Ambassador on his return home. N.M.M.L., J.N. (S.4) Vol. No. 123 Pt. II, 294-297. About Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
By AATISH PALEKAR Dr. Radha Krishnan, a great scholar and philosopher of international repute, was one of the most illustrious sons of mother India. It is the fitness of things that this great son of the land was unanimously elected as the second president of free India on the retirement of Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
“Coming events cast their shadow before” is a common saying. The early life of this great personality fully illustrates this proverb. He was born on September, 1888, in Andhra Pradesh. He got his education at Vellore, Madras, etc. after completing his university education in 1909 he joined the Provincial Education Service. He started his career as lecturer and within a short period of seven years he got the professorship. As a teacher he was very popular among his students. One very interesting illustration may be cited here. After proving his worth at Madras university he was about to leave it to join University Calcutta. Those were the days of horse-driven carriages. Professor Radha Krishnan was about to start for the station when to his surprise, he found that the students who had gathered there were removing the horses from the carriage and took him to the station in that way. This shows how successful as a teacher he was.
Dr. Radha Krishnan was an outstanding educationist and profound scholar of philosophy. He went to foreign countries to deliver lectures, under “extension lecture series” programmed, at the leading universities, like Oxford and Chicago. He decorated the high offices of Vice-Chancellorship of Andhra and Banaras Universities. He represented his country at the UNESCO. His lectures and studies on world religions are memorable. Even when he was holding the highest office of the president of India, he was regarded as an educationist first and anything else afterwards. Before independence, Dr. Radha Krishnan’s chief concern was academic pursuit. Major part of his life was spent in the service of the universities in one form or the other. But when India becomes free, he was assignments of political nature. He was appointed as the ambassador of India to Russia in 1949. He was the first diplomat in communist Russia who was called twice by marshal Station for interview. Thus, be proved that he could be even more successful as an ambassador. This job is most often regarded as the sacred jurisdiction of professional politicians and diplomats. Dr. Radha Krishnan was a master exponent of Indian philosophy. He was an equally great scholar of Western philosophy. He was regarded as the leading philosopher of the world. He was an idealist. But his idealism was not divorced from real life. He was not only a thinker and writer but also an orator of outstanding repute. His life was a real embodiment of the Indian principle of simple living and high thinking. His saintly life, sharp intellect, and intense love for his countrymen won for him love, affection and admiration of everyone in India.
In a country of the dimensions of India, his unanimous election to the coveted office of the president was something unique. Throughout the country, there were demands which are detrimental to national unity. Emotional integration and national integration were the paramount need of the hour. The demand for the secession of Southern India from the rest of the country was a big challenge to the whole nation. Then the opposition, which was persistently being offered by the South to the national language, Hindi, was to be set at the rest for ever.
Dr. Radha Krishnan came from the south, a non-Hindi speaking region. It will not be an exaggeration to say that he was the only person at the time who could act as a cementing force between the north and the south, and Hindi and non-Hindi speaking people. The country’s eyes were fixed upon him for the solution of such vital problem-the problem of the life and death for the nation.
From this point of view it is to be regretted that he did not agree to continue as the president of the country for the second term of five years. But it should also be remembered that he resigned from the high office in the interest of the country. In this way, he established the healthy tradition that none should hold this office for more than one term. One must make way for others, who deserve this honor. Moreover, reasons of health also compelled him to retire. He had been ailing for some time and had to undergo an eye-operation. His death left void in Indian national life which can never be filled.
We often talk of increasing corruption, nepotism and favoritism in the post independent India. In fact, truth, honesty, merit and hard work have no meaning in the present times. Dr. Radha Krishnan as the president of India served as a ray of hope in the darkness all around. Indeed the dream of the great philosopher Plato, of a philosopher-king, came true with his election as the President of India.
Radhakrishan Receives Degree From H.S.I.U
Wednesday, October 13, 1965 The Lion of Judah has prevailed
Haile Selassie I, Elect of God
King of Kings of Ethiopia
On the occasion of Your Excellency's visit to Our country it gives Us special pleasure to receive you at this institution itself dedicated to the pursuit of knowledge and truth. It is altogether fitting that Your Excellency should be the focus of this occasion, for Your Excellency has yourself since your youth been dedicated to that cause. Your marked achievement to the august rank of Professor at the youthful age of twenty-eight, your consistent endeavor to pursue knowledge and the numerous books that have flowed from your pen, to this bear witness.
Today more than ever before man realizes the bond of unity that exists within the race; he is endeavoring to employ the accumulated knowledge and wisdom of the ages. He is employing modern science and technology; he is reaping the benefits, however limited, of political and economic unity; and to that extent, he is transcending the age-old barriers that have divided the race so long and is endeavoring to reflect on the welfare not only of himself and his immediate neighbor but also on the welfare of all the human race. This endeavour is in harmony with the spirit of the mystics of ages gone by "...in the mystic traditions of the different religions we have a remarkable unity of the spirit. Whatever religions they may profess they are spiritual kinsmen. While the different religions in their historical forms bind us to limited groups and militate against the development of loyalty to the world community, the mystics have always stood for the fellowship of humanity," so Your Excellency has taught us. And in an effort to carry out this teaching to pursue truth - to promote those bonds common to the human race - Your Excellency has dedicated your whole life. To free the human race from superstition and fear that originate from ignorance; to enable him to transcend the apparent obstacles of race and religion; and to help him recognize the blood-ties of the whole human race, Your Excellency has labored. To this generation, so tormented between modern knowledge and ancient faith, your scrupulous studies have pointed the way by which man may be saved from traditional superstition and modern scepticism.
Were the thoughts of Plato and Socrates, the beliefs of Christianity and Judaism not harmonized with Hindu philosophy; were Yoga and its various stages not exposed to Western thought; had Western religion and philosophy not been exposed to the philosophy and religion of the East through Your Excellency's persistent endeavor, how much the poorer would human thought have been!
In the history of the human race, those periods which later appeared as great have been the periods when the men and the women belonging to them had transcended the differences that divided them and had recognized in their membership in the human race a common bond. Your Excellency's constant endeavor to challenge this generation to transcend its differences. to recognize its common bond and to work towards a common goal has doubtless made this age pregnant with greatness. It is, therefore, in recognition of these labours that We, with unequalled pleasure, bestow upon Your Excellency the degree of Doctor of Letters, honoris causa.
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